Tag Archives: Elections
Posted on 05 March, 2014, No Comments Comments admin
It was about two months ago that the Union Government decided to constitute a Commission of Inquiry to investigate the alleged “Snoop Gate” in Gujarat. The Gujarat Government had already constituted a Commission of Inquiry which is enquiring into the terms of reference. The object of the Central Government was political. They wanted to embarrass the Government of Gujarat and the BJP’s Prime Ministerial candidate Shri Narendra Modi. Besides being a complete abuse of power by the Central Government, the Commission appointed by the Central Government smacked of vindictiveness and arrogance. Arrogance has been the hallmark of the UPA government in the past ten years. Arrogance is a certain guarantee for political downfall. The arrogant lack humility. Arrogance isolates them from various sections of society which find their attitude unacceptable.
What happened to that Commission? One after the other retired judges of the Supreme Court were approached to head the Commission. They declined to lend themselves for this politically motivated exercise. Thereafter, some retired Chief Justices of the High Courts were also approached. Apparently they also made it clear that they were not available for such an exercise. The Government had been morally isolated with nobody willing to cooperate in its colourable exercise of power.
Similarly, when the exercise for constituting the Selection Committee for selecting the Chairperson and Members of the Lokpal was undertaken, the Prime Minister and those sharing his opinion on the Selection Committee declined to accept any of the eminent names such as Justice Venkatchaliah, Fali S. Nariman, Soli J Sorabjee, K. Parasaran, K.K. Venugopal and Harish Salve to be members of the select Committee in the Jurist category. When the Search Committee was appointed the Government wanted to appoint one or more of the three Government Advocates whose names it suggested. Mrs.Sushma Swaraj declined to play ball.
I had requested the Prime Minister vide my letters dated 20th January 2014 and 30th January 2014 that the rules framed under the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act were contrary to the Act. They had usurped the functions of the Selection Committee and the Search Committee. The Search Committee particularly had been reduced to performing a mere clerical exercise. My objections were over-ruled without a well considered response. I had argued that the Department of Personnel had usurped the powers of the Search Committee and the Selection Committee. No meeting of the Selection Committee had decided the criteria for selection. Eminent persons should be invited to become Members and Chairperson of the Lokpal. Applications compromise with their dignity and lead to lobbying.
Shri Fali S. Nariman and Justice K.T.Thomas have now refused to serve on the Search Committee citing similar reasons. They believe that the process being undertaken is not intended to select the best man for the job. It is now clear that the institution of Lokpal is being damaged even prior to its creation. When eminent and independent persons of repute are refusing to associate with the search and selection exercise while suspecting the motives of the government its moral isolation is complete.
Posted on 04 March, 2014, No Comments Comments admin
Many views have been expressed with regard to the role of the President under the Indian Constitution. He is the Head of the State and the Supreme Commander of the Armed forces. These are a few functions where he acts independently of the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers. For most of his functions he is bound by the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.
There is however an unstated function that the President has. He is vested with an undefined and unstated moral authority.
It is only a President who has the stature of a statesman commanding public respect that he can exercise this moral authority. For commanding that stature the President must be perceived to be fair and a constitutionalist.
If media reports are to be believed, the Government’s decision to promulgate a certain set of ordinances under Article 123 was scuttled by a reluctant President Shri Pranab Mukherjee. There are good reasons to believe that the media reports are correct. The President, Shri Mukherjee is amongst the most experienced Parliamentarians. He had a long innings as a Minister. His memory for precedents and propriety has been unparalleled.
Article 123 deals with the promulgation of ordinances. There are two conditions precedent prescribed in the Constitution for issuing an ordinance.
Firstly both Houses of Parliament must not be in session and secondly ‘circumstances exist which render it necessary for him (the President) to take immediate action.’
Surely, the desire of Shri Rahul Gandhi to push a certain law so that he can claim to be a part of the anti-corruption crusade is not a circumstance which calls for immediate legislation enactment through the ordinance route. The grim prospects of the ruling party in the forthcoming elections may be a cause for concern for its Party leaders. This is however an irrelevant consideration when it relates to the ordinance promulgating power. Why were these bills not approved earlier? Why can’t they wait for the June session of the Parliament? These are relevant questions which the President is entitled to ask.
Could the President defy the advice of the council of Ministers? No, he could not. But he could raise important queries. He could have sent back the ordinances for reconsideration. He could have consulted experts and heard contrarian opinions from within the political spectrum. A President could have used this Constitutional and Moral authority to enforce the Constitution. In the present case the latter was more effective than the first one. All this would have raised doubts about the Constitutional fairness of the government, an impression which an already weak government could ill afford. The Constitutionalist as the President can set a great precedent for the future.
Posted on 03 March, 2014, No Comments Comments admin
There are several states in the Eastern part of the country which economically have not progressed in comparison to the others. These States have also suffered from natural disadvantages. Their resource mobilization itself has been inadequate. It is therefore natural that these States aspire to get a special category status which will ensure higher central revenues and grants.
Bihar has been one such State which has been aspiring for a special category status. On account of division of the original Bihar between Bihar and Jharkhand, natural resources became a part of Jharkhand. The NDA government in all these years in Bihar had repeatedly demanded a special category status for Bihar. Amongst the political parties of Bihar there is a near consensus on this issue. The Congress in the last two years has held an olive branch to the JD(U) that it was willing to consider the grant of special category status to Bihar. In the 2013 General Budget speech the Finance Minister had in fact indicated that the Government would constitute a committee in order to favourably consider the grant of special category status to Bihar. This assurance was more political than being linked to the economic necessities of Bihar. The intention of the UPA was to lead the JD(U) up the garden path that the special category status to Bihar was indeed coming. I do not know how the astute leadership of the JD(U) fell for this. Coincidentally the signaling towards this special category status was also at the same time when the JD(U)- BJP break-up in relationship took place. Once the JD(U) was on its own the special category status did not come. Simultaneously, in the Swayamvar between the RJD and JD(U) the Congress party preferred its old ally. Newspaper reports now indicate that the seat sharing between the RJD and the Congress is somewhat stalemated. The JD(U) has organized a state wide protest to demand the special category status. The media has also indicated that the JD(U) may even now attempt an alliance with the Congress, a party which has already double-crossed it on the special category status.
Posted on 02 March, 2014, No Comments Comments admin
Narendra Modi’s rally in Lucknow today drew an unprecedented response. The road to Delhi is via Uttar Pradesh. It is the largest state in the country which sends eighty members to the Lok Sabha. In the 1990s when the BJP gained strength Uttar Pradesh held the key. In 1991 General Elections the BJP won 52 out of 85 constituences in the undivided U.P. In 1996 the figure increased to 58 (+2 for the allies) and in 1998 it was 50. Since then the BJP’s strength had consistently declined. The BJP got 29 seats in the Lok Sabha in 1999. In 2004 and 2009 it was a paltry figure of ten. If the BJP is to form a government in Delhi it has to attain the strength of the early 1990s. Will that be possible?
The electoral contest in Uttar Pradesh is predominantly between the BJP, SP and the BSP. The Congress in 2009 returned with a surprise figure of 22 wins. Current indications are that it is being marginalized. The Aam Aadmi Party is generating news and catching attention. It is unlikely to have a significant electoral impact in U.P.
The BSP and the SP have a questionable track record of governance. The Samajwadi party’s governance is disastrous. When it is in power the law and order of UP collapses. The social and communal tensions have increased. Uttar Pradesh has seen innumerable communal riots. BSP’s track record was extortionist. It ran a despotic regime. Both these parties in the last 10 years are responsible for keeping the UPA in power. Their strategy In supporting the UPA was reciprocal. The quid pro quo was to get support from a pliable CBI for the cases of corruption pending against the leaders of these two parties.
There is a visible change in the popular mood of Uttar Pradesh. Caste polarizations are taking a back seat. The impact of these social polarizations will be relatively lesser though not entirely eliminated. The eight rallies which Narendra Modi addressed have drawn an unprecedented response. The issue in Uttar Pradesh today is governance. The desire for aspirational politics is now visible in UP. There is a complete change in the ground chemistry of Uttar Pradesh politics. When Modi finished his speech by reciting a Prasoon Joshi poetry today I was reminded of the election rallies of 1977 General Elections where speakers would conclude by reciting Dinkar ji’s famous lines “Singhasan khali karo Janata aati hai”.
Posted on 01 March, 2014, No Comments Comments admin
Last week I visited my old college, Shri Ram College of Commerce where I had spent three of the best years of my life as a undergraduate student. In the early seventies when I studied there, the college was considered the principal institution for business studies. It continues to maintain the same reputation even now.
The occasion of my visit was recording of a programme called “ Political Roots”. The programme was produced and telecast by a news channel NDTV and anchored by Barkha Dutt. It was recorded in a sports gymnasium which was built by the college as a practice facility for the 2010 Commonwealth Games. An audience of a hundred students grilled me for over an hour. Needless to say, the quality of audience and students was excellent. SRCC is able to admit students who secure more than 96% aggregate marks. Obviously, the audience comprised of those who must have been toppers from various educational institutions. Most of them are aspiring financial consultants, management consultants and Chartered Accountants. They are aiming for careers on the growing financial world.
The questions which the students asked me were on political leadership, economic policy, corruption and various current affairs. They had doubts on issues which needed to be clarified. Some of them had dissected the purported fault lines in my party and wanted to question me on them. The environment for the discussion was extremely civilized and serious. If any guest is out of his depth, it would have been extremely difficult to tackle this audience. After the recording of the programme I drove back from the college with two thoughts crossing my mind. Firstly, can the depth and the seriousness which I observed during this interaction ever reflect in our legislative bodies. Secondly, if this is the quality of the younger generation, surely India would be a much better place in future.
Posted on 28 February, 2014, No Comments Comments admin
Shri Ram Vilas Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party has decided to ally with the BJP and be a part of the NDA. Additionally, a large number of political leaders, eminent citizens and political groups are extending their support to the BJP either by coming to the party or aligning with the NDA. The groundswell in support of the BJP/NDA and Narendra Modi is clearly visible.
When certain political groups identify themselves with the NDA their area of influence may be confined to a particular State. However, their joining sends a larger political signal. When the BJP announced Narendra Modi as its Prime Ministerial candidate the first reaction of some friends in the media and political observers was that the party would now find it difficult to get allies. They felt that the party would be politically isolated. When there is a groundswell of support, a party can even live in a ‘splendid isolation’. However, that was never to be. A strong BJP has capacity to attract more friends and allies than a weaker BJP. This groundswell of support which is visible in the BJP rallies is the game changer. It sends a message loud and clear of which way the wind is blowing. Today, those who had left the BJP in States like Gujarat and Karnataka have all returned adding to strength of the party. In states like Punjab, Haryana, Maharashtra, Bihar and Tamil Nadu we have significant allies. There are several states in which electoral tie-ups before the elections or political tie-ups after the elections are both possible and probable.
I had always believed that a strong BJP will lead to a stronger NDA. How to strengthen the NDA requires a lesson from Atalji’s book. A three party NDA in 1996 became a 24-party NDA in 1998. To attract regional allies, one has to accept and respect India’s federal and diverse character. What is significant today is a combination of popular support, increasing number of allies and the social character of the expanding alliance. All this signals a new change.
Posted on 26 February, 2014, No Comments Comments admin
The country is passing through an interesting phase. The process of re-grouping and re-polarization is on. There are many who want to discover their legitimate space in the elections through tie-ups. There are others who want to avoid irrelevance by creating a third or the fourth Front. While Narendra Modi addresses the mega rallies, some Congress Ministers snatch AIRTIME by resorting to foul language.
The Union home Minister, Sushil Kumar Shinde has an ever smiling face. He is a man known for his courteous behavior. Surprisingly he has chosen to threaten the electronic media which he finds is no longer government friendly. He threatened to expose it and even reveal information which intelligence agencies provide to him against the media. It was an un-Shinde like comment. He later gave an unconvincing denial that the words ‘political media’ should be read as ‘social media’. But why blame the social media? By its very character, it is bound to be a little blunt and somewhat irresponsible at times. It is incapable of censorship.
The External Affairs Minister, Salman Khurshid is normally pleasant and courteous. He is, however a different man when he visits his constituency in Farrukhabad. On one occasion he threatened journalists belonging to a Media Group by saying “it is easy to enter Farrukhabad for them but very difficult to get out”. Yesterday he used unacceptable language against BJP’s Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi.
Frustration of the Congress leaders is quite understandable. The party faces public hostility. The day of reckoning is coming closer. Ten years in power-even the modest have become arrogant. The Congress leaders may lose their deposits in the elections but won’t shed their arrogance. Their comments are condemnable. They are completely out of sync with a hostile public opinion.
I had earlier referred to the Third Front as a ‘Losers’ Front’. This time the ‘Losers Front’ wants to get back with a split personality. There is a Third Front with Left and there is the anti-Left Federal Front with the Trinamool Congress. One can’t tolerate the other. There are some in the Front who are politically flexible and were even a part of the NDA. They can aspire to take support from the Congress; some can even be a part of the UPA. For them it is a battle for survival. There are some cleverer ones amongst them. They have kept their options open by a wait and watch policy. They are yet to open up their cards and explain their strategic absence at the Third Front Meets on account of prior engagements or personal commitments.
2014 is an election being dominated by governance issues. Economy, corruption, security and leadership appear to be the principal issues. Considering the efforts being made to cobble up non-ideological combinations of smaller groups, a major issue that will influence the electorates’ choice will be –“Who can provide a stable government?” Certainly not the big loser of 2014 elections. Most certainly not the disparate combinations of non-ideological and politically flexible groups. I have an uneasy feeling that the ‘Losers Front’ will become smaller and smaller. Some well meaning parties will exercise a more sensible option. The Congress through the Shinde and Khurshid like statements will only make feeble attempts to muddy the waters.
Posted on 25 February, 2014, No Comments Comments admin
The Minority Morcha of the BJP and the Rashtriya Muslim Manch today held a convention at New Delhi. I attended the inaugural session. The conference was inaugurated by the Party President, Shri Rajnath Singh. The response of the delegates attending the conference was overwhelming.
An organized campaign has gone on for several years to create a fear factor amongst the minorities about the BJP. The party workers amongst minority community members have faced an uphill task in the past trying to convince members of the minority community that the BJP has no prejudice against them. There are some recent illustrations where the party’s stand has been highly appreciated by members of the minority community. After the 1984 anti-Sikh riots in Delhi and elsewhere, the BJP has more than a comfortable relationship with the members of the Sikh community. BJP members in Punjab, Delhi,Rajasthan, MP, Chhatisgarh, Uttarakhand belonging to Sikh community have been elected to State Legislature and even to Parliament. A large number of political workers belonging to the Sikh community across the country have been working for the BJP.
In the last elections to the Goa Assembly the Party had put up a large number of members of the Christian community. Most of the minority community voters of Goa voted for the BJP. The imaginary wall between the Christian community and the BJP in Goa has collapsed. Many of our ministers including the Deputy Chief Minister belong to the minority community. In the recently elections to the Rajasthan Assembly only four members of the minority community – two Sikhs and two Muslims were elected to the legislative assembly. All the four belong to the BJP. A very large number of members have been elected to the local bodies in Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh from the minority community. It is a pleasant lesson for us in the BJP that wherever we have put up several candidates belonging to various minority communities and tried to groom leaders from these communities, we have got a good response from the voters also.
The clear distinction between the BJP and others is that we do not treat minorities as instruments of political power. We treat them as equals and address their concerns as that of any other citizen. At the Conference today we declared that our objective is to make India a ‘riot free country’ where every citizen including members of minority community are guaranteed security; all are treated as co-equals with no discrimination. We pledge to work for economic growth of every Indian which includes members of the minority community so that we improve their quality of life.
The Conference held today decided that our supporters would be organizing at least a thousand similar conferences all over the country in order to convey the approach of the BJP towards members of the minority communities and allay all misconceptions which our opponents have created in their minds.
Posted on 24 February, 2014, No Comments Comments admin
In the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections 2014, the season is on for political speculations. The ‘know-alls’ of Delhi are continuing to evolve their views not based on any ‘field reality’ but based on either their own assessments or what the pollsters keep indicating. Till September 13, 2013 when the BJP announced Narendra Modi’s name for Prime Minister candidateship, the speculation was “Will the Party be able to project one person”. Additionally, there was an argument that the issues of governance and anti-incumbency against the government will take a back seat and the elections will get polarized. The size of Modi’s rallies is unquestionably the largest I have seen in the past 25 years. Never since 1989 have we seen such enthusiasm in the Party rank and file; the only exceptions were the two elections of 1998 and 1999 when Atalji was considered the most acceptable Prime Ministerial candidate in the political horizon of India. The debate then shifted to a secondary question – who else will support the BJP? Will any new ally join the BJP? Our internal assessment was –many allies would join the BJP either before or after the elections provided it is a strong BJP.
The most recent poll was done by a reputed agency AC Nielson for the news channel ABP News. I have never vouched for the correctness of these polls. If the pollster is credible I regard these polls as ‘indicative’.
What do these polls indicate. The clear message of these polls is that there is going to be one party in the next elections which will be in three figures. It probably will cross the 200 mark. Its allies will also get some seats. The BJP would have a high strike rate in States in the Northern, Central and Western parts of India. In states like Bihar and Karnataka located in the East and South, it would reconsolidate its gains. In some other States the BJP would be a balancer. Amongst various players in the traditionally Non-BJP states, the Modi–BJP momentum could benefit any ally ;even without an ally the party could pick up some stray seats.
The aspirants for Government formation are many. The obvious front-runner is the BJP-led NDA. If the Congress is reduced to a double digit figure, it would be a clear loser. It cannot be the nucleus of an alliance. The Third Front and the Federal front have too many claimants. There is hardly a large single claimant with presence in more than one state. Obviously, the front-runner’s ability to first pass the post is significant. The question now being posted is – How will the BJP led NDA cover the last mile?
This is a time for theoretical calculations. The political pundits will espouse on them. If one gets a feel of the ground reality it will become clear that these large crowds at Modi rallies are bringing a clear message – the front-runner’s score eventually will even be higher than what the pollsters are capturing. It is for smaller groups in several states to decide which way they want to move. There are smaller groups in several states which can marginally add to the collective vote of the BJP and allies. There are larger state groups which have traditionally pursued non-Congress politics in the states. The choice of aligning with the Congress at the Centre either by giving or taking support is not a long term option. These Groups have to make a clear choice. They either align in Delhi with the NDA or follow the Congress option. There is a limited option for most of these groups. If Modi’s rating are over 50%, surely every state is impacted by it. I won’t be surprised if the last mile eventually takes care of itself.
Posted on 23 February, 2014, No Comments Comments admin
The last session of Parliament during the tenure of UPA-II has ended. This gives me an opportunity to look back at the past five years on the functioning of Rajya Sabha where I had an opportunity to function as Leader of Opposition and the leader of my own party. It gives me a great satisfaction that the past five years saw some of the most outstanding debates in the Rajya Sabha where a large number of Members from both the Treasury and the Opposition participated. It is my regret that a lot of valuable time was lost on account of disturbances and confrontationist politics. On an overall analysis I have not the least doubt that high quality debates serve a larger public purpose and even enable the Opposition and other Members to achieve much more through debates rather than the disturbances. A well prepared Opposition has an added advantage of embarrassing the Government by confronting some ministers who may be inadequately prepared to deal with the issues.
I was going through my personal records to recollect some of the most outstanding debates which have been held in the Rajya Sabha in the past five years. The full facts of the 2G spectrum allotment were unearthed and highlighted in a three day long debate in the Monsoon session of 2009. The then Telecom Minister Shri A. Raja who was being accused of the scam was put to hard time to defend himself. A large number of facts unknown till then made in the course of the debate are now a part of the CBI charge-sheet against the accused in the said case.
The Prime Minister issued a joint communiqué with the Prime Minister of Pakistan at Sharm-el-Sheikh where India’s concern on terrorism were made sub-servient to the Government policy on negotiation with Pakistan. The Rajya Sabha witnessed an outstanding debate in the form of clarifications from the Prime Minister on the Sharm-el-Sheikh draft. The debate which followed the statement issued on the climate change negotiations at Copenhagen went into detailed intricacies of the climate change draft. The quality of debate could be an object of envy to the experts on the subject.
The Justice Liberhan Commission report on the incidents of 6th December 1992 was debated in both Houses of Parliament. The debate continued into the late hours of the evening where Members highlighted absorbing facts from the contents of the report either highlighting the allegations or pointing out the contradictions. The impeachment of Justice Soumitra Sen saw a two-day debate in the Rajya Sabha. The Rajya Sabha had turned into a court room where the Members heard the Judge for several hours. The plea of the Judge was considered and Members analysed the facts on record and finally found the Judge guilty. The issues relating to North East in terms of the communal strife in Dubri and Kokrajhar as also attack on the North East students and youths in other parts of the country was repeatedly debated in the Rajya Sabha. The Members closed ranks in larger national interest to emphasise the sanctity of these issues of North East.
Issues of corruption dominated the Rajya Sabha. From specific issues such as Commonwealth Games scam, the Coal Block allocation scam, the VVIP Helicopter deal to general issues relating to rise of corruption in the country were debated at length. The Lokpal Bill was debated twice over. There was an aborted discussion on 29th December 2011 which stopped at midnight where the majority Members appeared to be against the weak Lokpal Bill. However, the Bill was referred to the Select Committee of Rajya Sabha which rectified the Bill and eventually the Lokpal final draft was approved by the Rajya Sabha. The arrest of the anti-corruption crusader Anna Hazare witnessed a heated debate of high quality in the Rajya Sabha.
Sixty years of the completion of Rajya Sabha provided an opportunity to the Members to pause and reflect on the position of Indian democracy. The debate was non-partisan and inspirational. The phone tapping of a lobbyist gave rise to the discussion on propriety of phone-tapping as also the role of lobbyists in decision-making came up for a heated discussion.
The Rajya Sabha has repeatedly discussed the functioning of several Ministries which came up for consideration. Various legislations have been passed by the Rajya Sabha; the most landmark of them being the Women’s Reservation Bill (not passed by the Lok Sabha), the Lokpal law, the Andhra Pradesh Bifurcation law, the Civil Liability on Nuclear Damages Bill, the Food Bill and the new Land Bill. On the Civil Nuclear Liability law the discussion went into detailed technicalities and was of high quality. The debate on the Women Reservation Bill and the Bill for creation of Telengana witnessed heated discussion where Members had to make speeches during disturbances. At the end of the day the debate went on despite the disturbances.
Most of these debates have been telecast live by even the Private News channels which show the public interest in the quality debates. One of the debates relating to impeachment of Justice Soumitra Sen has now become a subject matter of a detailed book published by the Rajya Sabha Secretariat.
When the Rajya Sabha debates, it debates well. Several Members, particularly the Chairman have been exasperated with the disturbances. He went on to comment – if the Rajya Sabha was a ‘federation of anarchists’. Members were seen on their legs for a detailed discussion on whether the comment should remain on record or not. Some agreed and others objected to it and one of the Members wondered if anarchists can have a federation. This was the Rajya Sabha at its best but hopefully there could have been greater opportunities for debate than otherwise.